Darfur conflict
Un article de Vev.
Modèle:Infobox Military Conflict (3 sided) The Darfur conflict is a crisis in the Darfur region of western Sudan. Unlike the Second Sudanese Civil War, the current lines of conflict are seen to be ethnic and tribal, rather than religious.<ref>See Wikipedia entries on the Fur and Zaghawa as well as articles in USA Today, Slate and the New York Review of Books. Additionally, the Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to the United Nations Secretary-General (PDF), United Nations, 25 January 2005, states: "The various tribes that have been the object of attacks and killings (chiefly the Fur, Massalit and Zaghawa tribes) do not appear to make up ethnic groups distinct from the ethnic group to which persons or militias that attack them belong. They speak the same language (Arabic) and embrace the same religion (Islam)" (p. 129).</ref> One side of the armed conflict is composed mainly of the Sudanese military and the Janjaweed, a militia group recruited mostly from the Arab Baggara tribes of the northern Rizeigat, camel-herding nomads. The other side comprises a variety of rebel groups, notably the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement, recruited primarily from the land-tilling non-Arab Fur, Zaghawa, and Massaleit ethnic groups. The Sudanese government, while publicly denying that it supports the Janjaweed, has provided money and assistance to the militia and has participated in joint attacks targeting the black African tribes from which the rebels draw support.<ref>"
Rights Group Says Sudan's Government Aided Militias " , Washington Post , 2004-07-20 . Retrieved on 2007-01-14 . </ref> The conflict began in February of 2003.
The combination of decades of drought, desertification, and overpopulation are among the causes of the Darfur conflict, because the Baggara nomads searching for water have to take their livestock further south, to land mainly occupied by non-Arab farming communities.<ref>Looking to water to find peace in Darfur</ref>
There are many casualty estimates, most concurring on a range within the hundreds of thousands. The United Nations (UN) estimates that the conflict has left as many as 450,000 dead from violence and disease.<ref>"
Hundreds Killed in Attacks in Eastern Chad " , Associated Press , 2007-04-11 . </ref> Most non-governmental organizations use 200,000 to more than 400,000; the latter is a figure from the Coalition for International Justice that has since been cited by the UN. Sudan's government claims that over 9,000 people have been killed, although this figure is seen as a gross underestimate.<ref>" US Angry Over Sudan Leader's Denial of Role in Darfur Atrocities " , Voice Of America , 2007-03-20 . </ref><ref>" With Sudan a member, the UN is pointless " , The Times , 2006-10-24 . </ref> As many as 2.5 million are thought to have been displaced as of October 2006. <ref>" African Union Force Ineffective, Complain Refugees in Darfur " , The Washington Post , 2006-10-16 . </ref> (See Counting deaths section, below)
The Sudanese government has suppressed information by jailing and killing witnesses since 2004 and tampered with evidence such as mass graves to eliminate their forensic values.<ref>"
The horrors of Darfur's ground zero " , The Australian , 2007-05-28 . </ref><ref>" Darfur Destroyed - Summary " , Human Rights Watch , 2004-05 . </ref><ref>" Darfur Destroyed -Destroying Evidence? " , Human Rights Watch , 2004-05 . </ref> In addition, by obstructing and arresting journalists, the Sudanese government has been able to obscure much of what has gone on.<ref>" Country Of Origin Report: Sudan " , Research, Development and Statistics (RDS), Home Office, UK , 2006-10-27 . </ref><ref>" Tribune correspondent charged as spy in Sudan " , LA Times , 2006-08-26 . </ref><ref>" World Press Freedom Review " , International Press Institute , 2005 . </ref><ref>" Police put on a show of force, but are Darfur’s militia killers free to roam? " , The Times , 2004-08-12 . </ref> The mass media once described the conflict as both "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide," and now do so without hesitation. The United States government has described it as genocide,<ref>" Darfur: A ‘Plan B’ to Stop Genocide? " , US Department of State , 2007-04-11 . </ref> although the UN has declined to do so. (See List of declarations of genocide in Darfur) In March 2007 the UN mission accused Sudan's government of orchestrating and taking part in "gross violations" in Darfur and called for urgent international action to protect civilians there.
After fighting worsened in July and August, on August 31, 2006, the United Nations Security Council approved Resolution 1706 which called for a new 17,300-troop UN peacekeeping force to supplant or supplement a poorly funded, ill-equipped 7,000-troop African Union Mission in Sudan peacekeeping force. Sudan strongly objected to the resolution and said that it would see the UN forces in the region as foreign invaders. The next day, the Sudanese military launched a major offensive in the region. (See New proposed UN peacekeeping force)
| List of abbreviations used in this article AU: African Union |
Background
The conflict taking place in Darfur has many interwoven causes. While rooted in structural inequality between the center of the country around the Nile and the 'peripheral' areas such as Darfur, tensions were exacerbated in the last two decades of the twentieth century by a combination of environmental calamity, non-sustainable fast population growth[citation needed], desertification, political opportunism and regional politics. On June 16, 2007, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon released a statement in which he proposed that the slaughter in Darfur was caused "at least in part from climate change", and that it "derives, to some degree, from man-made global warming".<ref> Ban Ki-moon
. " A Climate Culprit In Darfur " , Washington Post , 2007-06-16 . Retrieved on 2007-06-23 . </ref> "The scale of historical climate change, as recorded in Northern Darfur, is almost unprecedented: the reduction in rainfall has turned millions of hectares of already marginal semi-desert grazing land into desert. The impact of climate change is considered to be directly related to the conflict in the region, as desertification has added significantly to the stress on the livelihoods of pastoralist societies, forcing them to move south to find pasture," the UNEP report states.<ref>Climate change - only one cause among many for Darfur conflict</ref>
A point of particular confusion has been the characterization of the conflict as one between 'Arab' and 'African' populations, a dichotomy that one historian describes as "both true and false".<ref>Gérard Prunier, Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide, Cornell University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-8014-4450-0, p. 4</ref><ref>"
Africa's Darfur " , The Sunday Paper , 2007-07-29 . Retrieved on 2007-09-26 . </ref>
In the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century, the Keira dynasty of the Fur people of the Marrah Mountains established a sultanate with Islam as the state religion. The sultanate was conquered by the Turco-Egyptian force expanding south along the Nile, which was in turn defeated by the Muhammad Ahmad, the self-proclaimed Mahdi. The Mahdist state collapsed under the onslaught of the British force led by Herbert Kitchener, who established an Anglo-Egyptian co-dominium to rule Sudan. The British allowed Darfur de jure autonomy until 1916 when they invaded and incorporated the region into Sudan.<ref>Prunier, pp. 8-24</ref> Within Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, the bulk of resources were devoted toward Khartoum and Blue Nile Province, leaving the rest of the country relatively undeveloped.
The inhabitants of the Nile Valley, which had received the bulk of British investment, continued the pattern of economic and political marginalization after independence was achieved in 1956. In the 1968 elections, factionalism within the ruling Umma Party led candidates, notably Sadiq al-Mahdi, to try to split off portions of the Darfuri electorate either by blaming the region's underdevelopment on the Arabs, in the case of appeals to the stationary peoples, or by appealing to the Baggara semi-nomads to support their fellow Nile Arabs. This Arab-African dichotomy, which was not an indigenously developed way of perceiving local relations, was exacerbated after Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi became focused on establishing an Arab belt across the Sahel and promulgated an ideology of Arab supremacy.<ref>Prunier, pp. 42-44</ref> As a result of a sequence of interactions between Sudan, Libya and Chad from the late 1960s through the 1980s, including the creation of the Libyan-supported Islamic Legion, Sudanese President Gaafar Nimeiry established Darfur as a rear base for the rebel force led by Hissène Habré, which was attempting to overthrow the Chadian government and was also anti-Gaddafi.<ref>Prunier, pp. 44-47</ref>
In 1983 and 1984, the rains failed and the region was plunged into a famine.<ref>Prunier, pp. 47-52</ref> The famine killed an estimated 95,000 people out of a population of 3.1 million. Nimeiry was overthrown on 5 April 1985, and Sadiq al-Mahdi came out of exile, making a deal with Gaddafi, which al-Mahdi did not honor, to turn over Darfur to Libya if he was supplied with the funds to win the upcoming elections.<ref>Prunier, pp. 52-53, 56</ref>
In early 2003, two local rebel groups — the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM)<ref name=SLM-POLITICAL-DECLARATION> The Sudan Liberation Movement and Sudan Liberation Army (SLM/SLA) Political Declaration
. Sudan Liberation Movement (2003-03-14)
. Retrieved on 2007-02-07. </ref> — accused the government of oppressing non-Arabs. The SLM, which is much larger than the JEM, is generally associated with the Fur and Masalit, as well as the Wagi clan of the Zaghawa, while the JEM is associated with the Kobe clan of Zaghawa. Later that year, leaders of both groups, the Sudanese Government and representatives of the International diplomatic community were brought together in Geneva by the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue to look at ways of addressing the humanitarian crisis. In 2004, the JEM joined the Eastern Front, a group set up in 2004 as an alliance between two eastern tribal rebel groups, the Rashaida tribe's Free Lions and the Beja Congress. The JEM has also been accused of being controlled by Hassan al-Turabi.
On January 20, 2006, SLM declared a merger with the Justice and Equality Movement to form the Alliance of Revolutionary Forces of West Sudan. However, in May of that year, the SLM and JEM were again negotiating as separate entities.
History of the conflict, 2003-2007
The starting point of the conflict in the Darfur region is typically said to be 26 February 2003, when a group calling itself the Darfur Liberation Front (DLF) publicly claimed credit for an attack on Golo, the headquarters of Jebel Marra District. Even prior to this attack, however, a conflict had erupted in Darfur, as rebels had already attacked police stations, army outposts and military convoys, and the government had engaged in a massive air and land assault on the rebel stronghold in the Marrah Mountains. The rebels' first military action was a successful attack on an army garrison on the mountain on 25 February 2002 and the Sudanese government had been aware of a unified rebel movement since an attack on the Golo police station in June 2002. Chroniclers Julie Flint and Alex de Waal state that the beginning of the rebellion is better dated to 21 July 2001, when a group of Zaghawa and Fur met in Abu Gamra and swore oaths on the Qur'an to work together to defend against government-sponsored attacks on their villages.<ref>Julie Flint and Alex de Waal, Darfur: A Short History of a Long War, Zed Books, London March 2006, ISBN 1-84277-697-5, p. 76-77</ref> It should be noted that nearly all of the residents of Darfur are Muslim, as are the Janjaweed and the government leaders in Khartoum.<ref>Ibid., Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to the United Nations Secretary-General (PDF), United Nations, 25 January 2005, p. 129.</ref>
25 March, the rebels seized the garrison town of Tine along the Chadian border, seizing large quantities of supplies and arms. Despite a threat by President Omar al-Bashir to "unleash" the army, the military had little in reserve. The army was already deployed both to the south, where the Second Sudanese Civil War was drawing to an end, and the east, where rebels sponsored by Eritrea were threatening the newly constructed pipeline from the central oilfields to Port Sudan. The rebel tactic of hit-and-run raids using Toyota Land Cruisers to speed across the semi-desert region proved almost impossible for the army, untrained in desert operations, to counter. However, its aerial bombardment of rebel positions on the mountain was devastating.<ref>Flint and de Waal, p. 99</ref>
At 5:30 am on 25 April 2003, a joint Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and JEM force in 33 Land Cruisers entered al-Fashir and attacked the sleeping garrison. In the next four hours, four Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships, according to the government, (seven according to the rebels) were destroyed on the ground, 75 soldiers, pilots and technicians were killed and 32 were captured, including the commander of the air base, a Major General. The success of the raid was unprecedented in Sudan; in the 20 years of the war in the south, the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) had never carried out such an operation.<ref>Flint and de Waal, pp. 99-100</ref>
Enter the Janjaweed (2003)
The al-Fashir raid was a turning point both militarily and psychologically. The armed forces had been humiliated by the al-Fashir raid and the government was faced with a difficult strategic situation. The armed forces would clearly need to be retrained and redeployed to fight this new kind of war and there were well-founded concerns about the loyalty of the many Darfurian non-commissioned officers and soldiers in the army. Responsibility for prosecuting the war was given to Sudanese Military Intelligence. Nevertheless, in the middle months of 2003, the rebels won 34 of 38 engagements. In May, the SLA destroyed a battalion at Kutum, killing 500 and taking 300 prisoners and in mid-July, 250 were killed in a second attack on Tine. The SLA began to infiltrate farther east, threatening to extend the war into Kordofan.
However, at this point the government changed its strategy. Given that the army was being consistently defeated, the war effort depended on three elements: Military Intelligence, the air force, and the Janjaweed, armed Baggara herders whom the government had begun directing in repression of a Masalit uprising in 1996-1999. The Janjaweed were put at the center of the new counter-insurgency strategy. Military resources were poured into Darfur and the Janjaweed were outfitted as a paramilitary force, complete with communication equipment and some artillery. The military planners were doubtlessly aware of the probable consequences of such a strategy—similar methods undertaken in the Nuba Mountains and around the southern oil fields during the 1990's had resulted in massive human rights violations and forced displacements.<ref>Flint and de Waal, pp. 60, 101-103</ref>
The better-armed Janjaweed quickly gained the upper hand. By the spring of 2004, several thousand people — mostly from the non-Arab population — had been killed and as many as a million more had been driven from their homes, causing a major humanitarian crisis in the region. The crisis took on an international dimension when over 100,000 refugees poured into neighbouring Chad, pursued by Janjaweed militiamen, who clashed with Chadian government forces along the border. More than 70 militiamen and 10 Chadian soldiers were killed in one gun battle in April. A United Nations observer team reported that non-Arab villages were singled out while Arab villages were left untouched:
The 23 Fur villages in the Shattaya Administrative Unit have been completely depopulated, looted and burnt to the ground (the team observed several such sites driving through the area for two days). Meanwhile, dotted alongside these charred locations are unharmed, populated and functioning Arab settlements. In some locations, the distance between a destroyed Fur village and an Arab village is less than 500 meters.<ref>United Nations Inter-Agency Fact Finding and Rapid Assessment Mission: Kailek Town, South Darfur, United Nations Resident Coordinator, 25 April 2004</ref>
In 2004, Chad brokered negotiations in N'Djamena, leading to the April 8 Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement between the Sudanese government, JEM, and SLM. A group splintered from the JEM in April — the National Movement for Reform and Development — which did not participate in the April cease-fire talks or agreement. Janjaweed and rebel attacks have continued since the ceasefire. The African Union (AU) formed a Ceasefire Commission (CFC) to monitor observance of the putative ceasefire.
The scale of the crisis led to warnings of an imminent disaster, with United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan warning that the risk of genocide is frighteningly real in Darfur. The scale of the Janjaweed campaign led to comparisons with the Rwandan Genocide, a parallel hotly denied by the Sudanese government. Independent observers noted that the tactics, which include dismemberment and killing of noncombatants and even young children and babies, are more akin to the ethnic cleansing used in the Yugoslav Wars but have warned that the region's remoteness means that hundreds of thousands are effectively cut off from aid. The Brussels-based International Crisis Group reported in May 2004 that over 350,000 people could potentially die as a result of starvation and disease.<ref name="'Dozens killed'">'Dozens killed' in Sudan attack (BBC) 24 May 2004</ref>
On 10 July 2005, Ex-SPLA leader John Garang was sworn in as Sudan's vice-president.<ref name="ex-rebel joins government">Sudan ex-rebel joins government (BBC) 10 July 2005</ref> However, on 30 July 2005, Garang died in a helicopter crash.<ref name="garang killed">Sudan VP Garang killed in crash (BBC) 1 August 2005</ref> His death had long-term implications and, despite improved security, talks between the various rebels in the Darfur region went slowly.
An attack on the Chadian town of Adre near the Sudanese border led to the deaths of three hundred rebels in December 2005. Sudan was blamed for the attack, which was the second in the region in three days.<ref name="Chad fightback">Chad fightback 'kills 300 rebels' (BBC) 20 December 2005</ref> The escalating tensions in the region led to the government of Chad declaring its hostility toward Sudan and calling for Chadian citizens to mobilise themselves against the "common enemy".<ref name="Chad in 'state of war'">Chad in 'state of war' with Sudan By Stephanie Hancock, BBC News, N'Djamena, 23 December 2005</ref> (See Chad-Sudan conflict)
May Agreement (2006)
On May 5, 2006, the government of Sudan signed an accord with the faction of the SLA led by Minni Minnawi. However, the agreement was rejected by two other, smaller groups, the Justice and Equality Movement and a rival faction of the SLA.<ref name="Main Rebel Group Sign"> Kessler, Glenn and Emily Wax
. " Sudan, Main Rebel Group Sign Peace Deal " , The Washington Post , 2006, May 5 . </ref> The accord was orchestrated by the U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Robert B. Zoellick, Salim Ahmed Salim (working on behalf of the African Union), AU representatives, and other foreign officials operating in Abuja, Nigeria. The accord calls for the disarmament of the Janjaweed militia, and for the rebel forces to disband and be incorporated into the army.<ref>" Main parties sign Darfur accord " , BBC News , 2006, May 5 . </ref><ref>" Main points of the deal " , Aljazeera.Net , 2006, May 6 . </ref>
July-August 2006
During July and August 2006, fighting had been renewed, "threatening to shut down the world's largest aid operation" as international aid organizations considered leaving due to attacks against their personnel. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan called for bringing a force of 18,000 international peacekeepers to the region in order to replace the African Union force of 7,000 (AMIS).<ref>"Annan outlines Darfur peace plans", BBC, August 2, 2006</ref><ref>"Disagreements Over Darfur Peace Plan Spark Conflict", Voice of America, August 9, 2006</ref> In July 2006 at the Darfur town of Kalma, seven women, who ventured out of a refugee camp to gather firewood, were gang-raped, beaten and robbed by the Janjaweed. When they had finished, the attackers then stripped them naked and jeered at them as they fled.<ref name=>"
In a Darfur town, women recount numbing tale of their hell of rape and suffering " , cbs11tv.com , 2007-05-27 . </ref><ref>" The horrors of Darfur's ground zero " , The Australian , 2007-05-28 . </ref><ref>" Darfur women describe gang-rape horror " , Associated Press , 2007-05-27 . </ref>
On August 18, the deputy head of the UN Peacekeeping Forces, Assistant Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Hedi Annabi, warned during a private meeting that Sudan appears to be undertaking preparations for a major military offensive in the region.<ref>"U.N. Official Warns of Major New Sudanese Offensive in Darfur", Washington Post, August 18, 2006</ref> The warning came a day after UN Commission on Human Rights special investigator Sima Samar stated that Sudan's efforts in the region remains poor despite the May Agreement.<ref>"UN Envoy Says Sudan Rights Record in Darfur Poor", Voice of America, August 17, 2006</ref> On August 19, Sudan reiterated its opposition to replacing the 7,000 AU force with a 17,000 UN one, <ref>"Sudan reiterates opposition to replacing AU troop with UN forces in Darfur", People's Daily, August 19, 2006</ref> resulting in the US issuing a "threat" to Sudan over the "potential consequences" of this position.<ref>"US threatens Sudan after UN resistance", Independent Online, August 19, 2006</ref>
On August 24, Sudan rejected attending a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) meeting to explain its plan of sending 10,000 Sudanese soldiers to Darfur instead of the proposed 20,000 UN peacekeeping force.<ref>"Khartoum turns down UN meeting on Darfur peace", Deutsche Presse-Agentur, August 24, 2006</ref> The UNSC announced it will hold the meeting despite Sudan's refusal to attend.<ref>"UN Security Council to meet on Darfur without Khartoum attendance", Deutsche Presse-Agentur, August 24, 2006</ref> Also on August 24, the International Rescue Committee reported that hundreds of women were raped and sexually assaulted around the Kalma refugee camp during the last several weeks.<ref>"Sudan: Sexual Violence Spikes Around South Darfur Camp", Integrated Regional Information Networks, August 24, 2006</ref> The Janjaweed has used rape as a weapon. Culturally in the region, raped women are considered unclean, and are ostracized. Women are even raped in open, public places to increase humiliation for them and their families. The extent of rape used in attacks is likely greater than documented, because women who have been raped are usually reluctant to come forward.<ref name="AmnestyR"> Sudan
. Amnesty International (2003-03-14)
. Retrieved on 2007-11-08. </ref> On August 25, the head of the US State Department's Bureau of African Affairs, Assistant Secretary Jendayi Frazer, warned that the region faces a security crisis unless the proposed UN peacekeeping force is allowed to deploy.<ref>"US Warns of Security Crisis in Darfur Unless UN Force Deploys", Voice of America, August 25, 2006</ref>
On August 26, two days before the UNSC meeting, and on the day Frazer was due to arrive in Khartoum, Paul Salopek, a US National Geographic Magazine journalist appeared in court in Darfur facing charges of espionage; he had crossed into the country illegally from Chad, due to the strict rules against foreign journalists. He was later released after direct negotiation with President al-Bashir.<ref>"U.S. journalist returns home from Sudan prison", MSNBC, September 10, 2006</ref> This came a month after Tomo Križnar, a Slovenian presidential envoy, was sentenced to two years for spying.<ref>"U.S. journalist in Darfur court for espionage", Reuters, August 26, 2006</ref>
New proposed UN peacekeeping force
On August 31, 2006, the UNSC approved a resolution to send a new peacekeeping force of 17,300 to the region.<ref name="UN_SPV5519_2006">Modèle:UN document</ref> Sudan has expressed strong opposition to the resolution. <ref>"Sudan Rejects UN Resolution on Darfur Peacekeeping", Voice of America, August 31, 2006</ref> On September 1, 2006, African Union officials reported that Sudan had launched a major offensive in Darfur. According to the AU, over 20 people were killed and 1,000 were displaced during clashes that began earlier in the week.<ref>"Sudan reported to launch new offensive in Darfur", Associated Press, September 1, 2006</ref> On September 5, Sudan has asked the AU force in Darfur to leave the region by the end of the month, adding that "they have no right to transfer this assignment to the United Nations or any other party. This right rests with the government of Sudan."<ref>"Defiant Sudan sets deadline for Darfur peacekeeper exit", AFP, September 5, 2006</ref> On September 4, 2006, in a move not viewed as surprising, Chad's president Idriss Déby voiced support for the new UN peacekeeping force.<ref>" Chad's president says he supports U.N. force for neighboring Darfur", Associated Press, September 4, 2006</ref> The AU, whose peacekeeping force mandate expired on September 30, 2006, has confirmed that they will do so.<ref>"Africa Union 'will quit Darfur'", BBC, September 5, 2006</ref> The next day, however, a senior US State Department official who declined to be identified, told reporters that the AU force might remain in the region past the deadline, citing this possibility as a "viable, live option."<ref>"African Union's Darfur force may stay past Sept 30", Reuters, September 6, 2006</ref>
Implementation failure (September 2006)
On September 8, 2006, António Guterres, head of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, said Darfur faces a "humanitarian catastrophe."<ref>"U.N. refugee chief warns of Darfur "catastrophe", Reuters, September 8, 2006</ref> On September 12, 2006, Sudan's European Union envoy Pekka Haavisto claimed that the Sudanese army is "bombing civilians in Darfur".<ref>"Sudan bombing civilians in Darfur - EU envoy", Reuters, September 12, 2006</ref> A World Food Program official reported that food aid has been cut off from at least 355,000 people in the region.<ref>"Violence in Darfur cuts off 355,000 people from food aid", People's Daily, September 12, 2006</ref> UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan told the UNSC that "the tragedy in Darfur has reached a critical moment. It merits this council's closest attention and urgent action."<ref>"Annan calls for "urgent" Security Council action on Darfur", People's Daily, September 12, 2006</ref>
On September 14, 2006, the leader of the now defunct Sudan Liberation Movement, currently Senior Assistant to the President of the Republic and Chairman of the Regional Interim Authority of Darfur, Minni Minnawi, stated that he does not object to the new UN peacekeeping force, thereby breaking ranks with the Sudanese government who consider such a deployment to be an act of Western invasion. Minnawi claimed that the AU force "can do nothing because the AU mandate is very limited."<ref>"Ex-rebels says would accept UN in Darfur", Reuters, September 14, 2006</ref> Khartoum, however, remained sternly against the UN peacekeeping force, with Sudanese president Al-Bashir depicting it as a colonial plan, and stating that "we do not want Sudan to turn into another Iraq."<ref>"We don't want Sudan to turn into "another Iraq" in the region - al-Bashir", Kuwait News Agency, September 21, 2006</ref>
Deterioration (October-November 2006)
On October 2, with the UN force plan indefinitely suspended on account of Sudanese opposition, the AU announced that it will extend its presence in the region until December 31, 2006.<ref name="r1">"Genocide survivors urges EU sanctions over Darfur", Reuters, October 20, 2006</ref><ref>"AU will not abandon Darfur - AU chairman", Reuters, October 2, 2006</ref> Two hundred UN troops were sent to reinforce the AU force.<ref>"200 UN troops to deploy in Darfur", Toronto Sun, October 10, 2006</ref> On October 6, the UNSC voted to extend the mandate of the United Nations Mission in Sudan until April 30, 2007. <ref>"Extend Sudan U.N. mission", United Press International, October 9, 2006</ref> On October 9, the Food and Agriculture Organization listed Sudan's Darfur region as the most pressing food emergency out of the forty countries listed on its Crop Prospects and Food Situation report.<ref>"Forty countries face food shortages, Darfur crisis is the most pressing: UN agency", United Nations, October 9, 2006</ref> On October 10, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, claimed that the Sudanese government had prior knowledge of attacks by Janjaweed militias in Buram, South Darfur the month before, an attack which saw hundreds of civilians killed.<ref>"UN official: Khartoum knew of Darfur militia raid", The Guardian, October 10, 2006</ref>
On October 12, the Foreign Minister of Nigeria Joy Ogwu arrived in Darfur for a two-day visit. She urged the Sudanese government to accept a UN formula. Speaking in Ethiopia, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo spoke against "stand[ing] by and see[ing] genocide being developed in Darfur."<ref>"Nigerian FM arrives in Khartoum for talks on Darfur", People's Daily, October 12, 2006</ref> On October 13, US President George W. Bush imposed further sanctions against those deemed complicit in the Darfur atrocities under the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act of 2006. The measures were said to strengthen existing sanctions by prohibiting US citizens from engaging in oil-related transactions with Sudan (although US companies were prohibited from doing any business with Sudan since 1997), freezing the assets of complicit parties and denying them entry to the US.<ref>"Bush signs law setting sanctions on Darfur crimes", Washington Post, October 13, 2006</ref>
Because the African Union Mission in Sudan is underfunded and badly equipped, it is said that until December 31, violence in Darfur will worsen, with government troops and allied militias, as well as rebels, blamed for new attacks. But so far there is no agreement on what will happen after that date. Aid workers say their access is severely limited by fighting, and some have warned the humanitarian situation could deteriorate to levels seen in 2003 and 2004 when U.N. officials called Darfur the world's worst humanitarian crisis.<ref name="r1"/>
On 22 October 2006, the Sudanese government told U.N. envoy Jan Pronk to leave the country within three days. Pronk, the senior U.N. official in the country, had been heavily criticized by the army after he posted a description of several recent military defeats in Darfur to his personal blog.<ref>"UN envoy is told to leave Sudan", BBC News, 22 October 2006</ref> On November 1, the US announced that it would formulate an international plan which they hoped the Sudanese government would find more palatable.<ref>"U.S. works on international plan for Darfur", Reuters, November 1, 2006</ref> On November 9, senior Sudanese presidential advisor Nafie Ali Nafie told reporters that his government is prepared to start unconditional talks with the National Redemption Front (NRF)—the rebel alliance in Darfur—but noted he saw little use for a new peace agreement. The NRF, who had rejected the May Agreement (only an inter-SLM faction was signatory to it), did not issue a comment. It had previously sought a new peace agreement.<ref>"Sudan says ready for talks with Darfur's NRF rebels", Reuters, November 9, 2006</ref> In late 2006, Darfur Arabs started their own rebel group, The Popular Forces Troops, and announced on December 6 that they had repulsed an assault by the Sudanese army at Kas-Zallingi the previous day. In a statement, they called the Janjaweed mercenaries who do not represent Darfur's Arabs. Since 2003, numerous Darfur Arab groups have announced their opposition to the government's war, some signing political accords with rebel movements.
Some of the splits within the Arab forces were tribe based. Sometime in late 2006, for example, relations between the farming Terjem and nomadic, camel-herding Mahria tribes became tense. Terjem leaders accused the Mahria of kidnapping a Terjem boy, and Mahria leaders said the Terjem were stealing their animals even before that. Ali Mahamoud Mohammed, the wali, or governor, of South Darfur, said the fighting began in December when the Mahria drove their camels south in a seasonal migration, trampling through Terjem territory near the Bulbul River. Fighting would later resume in July 2007.<ref name=jg9307>gettleman, Jeffrey, "Chaos in Darfur on rise as Arabs fight with Arabs", news article, The New York Times, September 3, 2007, pp 1, A7</ref>
Proposed compromise UN force and Sudanese offensive
On November 17, reports of a potential deal to place a "compromise peacekeeping force" in Darfur were announced,<ref>"US Rice hopes Sudan will okay Darfur force", Sudan Tribune, November 17, 2006</ref> but would later appear to have been rejected by Sudan.<ref>"Sudan 'did not' give ok over international force for Darfur - top official", Kuwait News Agency, November 17, 2006</ref> The UN, nonetheless, claimed on November 18 that Sudan agreed to the deployment of UN peacekeepers.<ref>"UN insists Khartoum will allow UN force into Darfur", Deutsche Presse-Agentur, November 19, 2006</ref> Sudan's Foreign Minister Lam Akol stated that "there should be no talk about a mixed force" and that the UN's role should be restricted to technical support. Also on November 18, the AU reported that Sudanese military and Sudanese-backed militias had launched a ground and air operation in the region which resulted in about 70 civilian deaths. The AU stated that this "was a flagrant violation of security agreements."<ref>"Sudan 'begins new Darfur attacks'", BBC News, November 18, 2006</ref>
On November 25, a spokesperson for United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour accused the Sudanese government of having committed "a deliberate and unprovoked attack" against civilians in the town of Sirba on November 11, which claimed the lives of at least 30 people. The Commissioner's statement maintained that "contrary to the government’s claim, it appears that the Sudanese Armed Forces launched a deliberate and unprovoked attack on civilians and their property in Sirba," and that this also involved "extensive and wanton destruction and looting of civilian property."<ref>"Army attack against Darfur civilians was unprovoked - UN", Sudan Tribune, November 25, 2006</ref>
January - April 2007 cease-fire agreement and its rapid dissolution
According to the Save Darfur Coalition, New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson and President al-Bashir have agreed to a cease-fire whereby the Sudanese "government and rebel groups will cease hostilities for a period of 60 days while they work towards a lasting peace."<ref>[1]</ref> In addition, the Save Darfur press release stated that the agreement "included a number of concessions to improve humanitarian aid and media access to Darfur." Despite the formality of a ceasefire there have been further media reports of killings and other violence.<ref name=>"
73 villagers killed, rebel group says " , LA Times , 2007-04-18 . </ref><ref name=>" The UN and Darfur: Watching, but still waiting " , The Economist , 2007-03-16 . </ref> On Sunday April 15, 2007, African Union peacekeepers were targeted and killed.<ref name=>" African troops killed in Darfur " , BBC News , 2007-04-02 .
</ref> The New York Times reported that "a confidential United Nations report says the government of Sudan is flying arms and heavy military equipment into Darfur in violation of Security Council resolutions and painting Sudanese military planes white to disguise them as United Nations or African Union aircraft."<ref name=>"
Sudan Flying Arms to Darfur, Panel Reports " , The New York Times , 2007-04-18 .
</ref>
The violence has spread over the border to Chad. On March 31, 2007 Janjaweed militiamen killed up to 400 people in the volatile eastern border region of Chad near Sudan. The attack took place in the border villages of Tiero and Marena. The villages were encircled and then fired upon. Fleeing villagers were later subsequently chased. The women were robbed and the men shot according to the UNHCR. There were many who, despite surviving the initial attack, ended up dying due to exhaustion and dehydration, often while fleeing.<ref name=>"
Attacks in eastern Chad last month killed up to 400, U.N. refugee agency says " , International Herald Tribune , 2007-04-18 .
</ref>
On April 14, 2007, more attacks within Chad were reported by the UNHCR to have occurred again in the border villages of Tiero and Marena.<ref name=>"
Up to 3,000 villagers flee homes in south-east Chad following fresh attacks " , UNHCR , 2007-04-03 .
</ref> On April 18th President Bush gave a speech at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum criticizing the Sudanese government and threatened the use of sanctions if the situation does not improve. Sanctions would involve restriction of trade and dollar transactions with the Sudanese government and 29 Sudanese businesses.<ref name=>"
Bush Presses Sudan on Darfur, Citing possible US sanctions " , New York Times , 2007-04-19 . </ref>
International Criminal Court charges
Sudan's humanitarian affairs minister, Ahmed Haroun, and a Janjaweed militia leader, known as Ali Kushayb, have been charged by the International Criminal Court with 51 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Ahmed Haroun said he "did not feel guilty," his conscience was clear, and that he was ready to defend himself.<ref name=>"
Darfur war crimes suspect defiant " , BBC News , 2007-02-28 . </ref>
May 2007
Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Chad president Idriss Deby signed a peace agreement on May 3, 2007 aimed at reducing tension between their countries.<ref name=>"
Saudi Arabia Brokers Agreement Between Sudan and Chad on Darfur " , PR Newswire , 2007-05-03 .
</ref><ref name=>"
UN Secretary-General welcomes signing of agreement between Chad, Sudan " , ReliefWeb , 2007-05-07 .
</ref> The accord was brokered by Saudi Arabia. It sought to guarantee that each country would not be used to harbor, train or fund armed movements opposed to the government of the other. The Reuters News Service reported that "Deby's fears that Nouri's UFDD may have been receiving Saudi as well as Sudanese support could have pushed him to sign the Saudi-mediated pact with Bashir on Thursday". Colin Thomas-Jensen, an expert on Chad and Darfur who works International Crisis Group think-tank has grave doubts as to whether "this new deal will lead to any genuine thaw in relations or improvement in the security situation". Additionally The Chadian rebel Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD) which has fought a hit-and-run war against Chad President Deby's forces in east Chad since 2006 stated that the Saudi-backed peace deal would not stop its military campaign. Thus the agreement may end up hurting the Sudanese rebels the most, leaving the Sudanese government with a freer hand.<ref name=>"
Chad-Sudan pact will not halt war-Chadian rebels " , Reuters , 2007-05-05 .
</ref> Also in May, locations related to the conflict were added in Google Earth.<ref name=> "
Google Earth focuses on Sudan atrocities " , MSNBC , 2007-04-10 .
</ref>
Russian and Chinese undermining of sanctions
Amnesty International issued a report<ref name=>"
Sudan: Arms continuing to fuel serious human rights violations in Darfur " , Amnesty International , 2007-05-08 .
</ref><ref name=>"
Report Accuses China and Russia Of Arming Sudan " , New York Times , 2007-05-09 . </ref><ref name=>" Congress pressures China on Darfur as Olympics near " , San Francisco Chronicle , 2007-05-17 . </ref> accusing Russia and China of supplying arms, ammunition and related equipment to Sudan. This hardware has been transferred to Darfur for use by the government and the Janjaweed militias and thus violating a UN arms embargo against Sudan. In its report it showed a photo of Chinese-made Fantan fighters that have been seen at Nyala, Darfur and a Ukrainian Antonov-26 aircraft (painted white). The report provided evidence (including eyewitness testimony) that the Sudan Air Force has been conducting a pattern of indiscriminate aerial bombings of villages in Darfur and eastern Chad using ground attack jet fighters and Antonov planes. The report contained an image of a Russian made Mi-24 attack helicopter (reg. n° 92Image:Cool.gif at Nyala airport in Darfur in March of 2007. For several years the Sudan Air Force has used this type of attack helicopter for operations during Janjaweed attacks on villages in Al Darfur. The report also showed evidence that the government has been camouflaging military aircraft and helicopters by painting them white and in doing so, tried to cover up their military use by claiming that they were civilian in nature. The photo of the white Antonov-26 aircraft was reported to have been used in Darfur in bombing missions. Recently it has been confirmed by Airforces Monthly Magazine for June 2007, that China and Iran have financed and delivered "newer" aircraft for Sudan. The most recent additions have been 15-20 A-5 Fantan ground attack aircraft. Also confirmed by Airforces Monthly, is the use of Mil Mi-24 Hind gunships and Mil Mi-171 Assault Helicopters. They have been photographed painted in U.N. markings and white color for disguised use in illegal attack missions into the Darfur Region. The base in which they have been seen is at Nyala Airport in the Dafur Region. 8 Hinds have been confirmed operating in the Dafur region. One An-26 transport has been also confirmed delivered from a Russian civil aviation corporation. This aircraft is modified with bomb racks, and painted in U.N. white for illegal bombing missions into Darfur. The aircraft serial 7705 is used, but actually confirmed as 26563. Training for Sudanese crew has recently been confirmed to have been conducted and ongoing at Dezful-Ardestani Air Base in southern Iran. China and Russia denied they had broken UN sanctions. China has a close relationship with Sudan and increased its military co-operation with the government in early 2007. Because of Sudan's plentiful supply of oil China considers good relations with Sudan to be a strategic necessity that is needed to fuel its booming economy. It must be noted that India also have oil interests in the country. <ref name=>" China, Russia breach Darfur arms embargo: Amnesty " , Reuters , 2007-05-08 . </ref><ref name=>" China, Russia deny weapons breach " , BBC News , 2007-05-08 .
</ref><ref name=>"
Amnesty International criticizes arms sales to Sudan " , LA Times , 2007-05-09 .
</ref> China also has direct commercial interests in Sudan's oil. China’s state-owned company CNPC controls between 60 and 70 percent of Sudan’s total oil production. Additionally, it owns the largest single share (40 percent) of Sudan’s national oil company, Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company.<ref name=>"
Sudan's Enablers " , The Wall Street Journal , 2007-05-23 . </ref><ref name=>" China’s rise: Hope or doom for Africa? (III) " , Sunday Vision , 2007-06-16 . </ref><ref name=>" Can LeBron save Darfur? " , Chicago Tribune , 2007-06-17 . </ref> China has also consistently opposed economic and non-military sanctions on Sudan.<ref name=>" Why China Blocks Sanctions on Iran, Sudan, Burma " , Inter Press Service , 2006-06-12 . </ref><ref name=>" China urges patience on Sudan, opposes sanctions " , Reuters , 2007-05-31 . </ref><ref name=>" China, Russia bar Sudan sanctions " , BBC News , 2006-04-18 . </ref><ref name=>" Bush Announces New Economic Sanctions on Sudan to Halt Darfur Crisis " , Foxnews , 2006-05-29 . </ref>
Recently, however, a Small Arms Survey research paper suggested that China may be changing its stance on Darfur due to international pressure <ref>http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN854961.html</ref>
June 2007
Oxfam announced on June 17 that it is permanently pulling out of Gereida, the largest camp in Darfur, where more than 130,000 have sought refuge. The agency cited inaction by local authorities from the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), which controls the region, in addressing security concerns and violence against aid workers. An employee of the NGO Action by Churches Together was murdered in June in West Darfur. There has been a continuation of hijackings of vehicles belonging to the UN and other international organizations—something that is also making them think twice about staying in the region.<ref name=>"
SUDAN: Continuing violence in West Darfur claims NGO employee " , Reuters , 2006-06-20 . </ref>
July 2007
BBC News reported that a huge underground lake has been found in the Darfur region. It is suggested that this find could help end the war as it could eliminate the existing competition for precious water resources.<ref>Water find 'may end Darfur war'</ref> France and Britain announced they would push for a UN resolution to dispatch African Union and United Nations peacekeepers to Darfur and would push for an immediate cease-fire in Darfur and are prepared to provide "substantial" economic aid "as soon as a cease-fire makes it possible."<ref>France, U.K. Mount Darfur Push</ref>
A July 14, 2007 article notes that in the past two months up to 75,000 Arabs from Chad and Niger crossed the border into Darfur. Most have been relocated by Sudanese government to former villages of displaced non-Arab people.<ref>Arabs pile into Darfur to take land 'cleansed' by janjaweed</ref>
The hybrid UN/AU force was finally approved on 31 July 2007 with the unanimously approved United Nations Security Council Resolution 1769. UNAMID will take over from AMIS by 31 December 2007 at the latest, and has an initial mandate up to 31 July 2008.<ref>UN resolution for Darfur: An important but insufficient first step towards protecting civilians</ref>
On July 31, the ongoing conflict between the Terjem and the Mahria tribes (former partners in the Janjaweed) heated up, with Mahria gunmen surrounding mourners at the funeral of an important Terjem sheik and killing 60 with rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) and belt-fed machine guns.<ref name=jg9307/>
August 2007
From 3 August 2007 until 5 August 2007, a conference was held in Arusha, Tanzania, to unite the different existing rebel groups to make the subsequent peace negotiations with the government of Sudan more streamlined. Most senior rebel leaders attended, with the notable exception of Abdul Wahid al Nur, who — while not in command of large forces, but a rather small splinter group of the SLA/M he initially founded in 2003<ref>"
Darfur rebel leader defends Arusha boycott " , Australian Broadcasting Company News , 2007-08-04 . </ref> — is considered to be the representatives of a large part of the displaced Fur people, and there have been concerns that his absence would be damaging to the peace talks.<ref>" African Union & United Nations Hold Crunch Darfur Peace Talks " , Christian News on Christian Today , 2007-08-04 . </ref> International officials have stated that the difficulty lies in the fact that there is "no John Garang in Darfur", referring to the leader of the negotiating team of South Sudan, who was universally accepted by all the various South Sudanese splinter groups.<ref>" Darfur rebel leader is criticised over peace talks snub " , The Independent , 2007-08-04 . </ref>
The leaders who arrived on Friday were Gamali Galaleiddine,<ref name="people_cn_later_arrivals">AU-UN meeting on Darfur put off again due to late arrivals</ref> Khalil Abdalla Adam, Salah Abu Surra, Khamis Abdallah Abakar, Ahmed Abdelshafi, Abdalla Yahya, Khalil Ibrahim (of the Justice and Equality Movement) and Ahmed Ibrahim Ali Diraige. The schedule for Saturday consists of closed-door meetings between the AU-UN and rebel leaders, as well as between rebel leaders alone.<ref>AU-UN Arusha meeting underway with some armed movements present</ref> In addition to those eight, eight more arrived there late on 4 August (including Jar el-Neby, Salah Adam Issac and Suleiman Marajan<ref>More rebel leaders arrive for AU-UN Arusha meeting</ref>), whereas the SLM Unity faction also boycotted the talks as the Sudanese government had threatened to arrest Suleiman Jamous if he left the hospital.<ref>Darfur Rebel Factions Begin Talks on Charting Road to Peace</ref> The rebel leaders aimed to unify their positions and demands, which included compensation for the victims and autonomy for Darfur.<ref name="people_cn_later_arrivals"/> They eventually reached agreement on joined demands, including power and wealth sharing, security, land and humanitarian issues.<ref>Darfur rebels reach common position</ref>
In the several months up through August, Arab tribes that had worked together in the Janjaweed militia began falling out among themselves, and even further splintered into factions. Terjem fought Mahria as thousands of gunmen from each side traveled hundreds of miles to fight in the strategic Bulbul river valley. Farther south, Habanniya and Salamat tribes clashed. The fighting did not result in as much killing as in 2003 and 2004, the height of the violence. United Nations officials said the groups might be trying to seize land before U.N. and African Union peacekeepers arrived.<ref name=jg9307/>
September 2007
On 6 September 2007, the next round of peace talks was set to begin on 27 October 2007.<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6981929.stm</ref> On 18 September 2007, JEM stated that if the peace talks with Khartoum should fail, they would step up their demands from self-determination to independence for the Darfur region.<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6999959.stm</ref>
On September 30 2007, the rebels overran an AMIS base, killing at least 12 peacekeepers in "the heaviest loss of life and biggest attack on the African Mission" during a raid at the end of Ramadan season.<ref>http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20071001/ap_on_re_af/sudan_darfur</ref>
October 2007
Peace talks started on 27 October 2007 in Sirte, Libya. The following groups attended the talks:<ref>http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article24453</ref>
- Justice and Equality Movement splinters:
- Justice and Equality Movement–Collective Leadership, led by Bahar Idriss Abu Garda
- Justice and Equality Movement–Azraq, led by Idriss Ibrahim Azraq
- National Movement for Reform and Development, led by Khalil Abdullah
- Revolutionary Democratic Forces Front, led by Salah Abu Surrah
- United Revolutionary Force Front, led by Alhadi Agabeldour
- Sudan Liberation Movement–G19, led by Khamees Abdullah
- Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance, led by Ahmed Ibrahim Diraige
The following groups didn't attend:
- Justice and Equality Movement, led by Khalil Ibrahim; they object to the presence of rebel groups they say had no constituency and no place at the table.
- Sudan Liberation Movement (Abdel Wahed), led by Abdel Wahed Mohamed el-Nur; the group has few forces, but its leader is highly respected; refused to attend until a force was deployed to stem the Darfur violence.
- Sudan Liberation Movement–Unity, originally led by Abdallah Yehya, includes many other prominent figures (Sherif Harir, Abu Bakr Kadu, Ahmed Kubur); the group with the largest number of rebel fighters; object for the same reason as JEM.
- Ahmed Abdel Shafi, a notable rebel enjoying strong support from the Fur tribe.
Faced with a boycott from the most important rebel factions, the talks were rebranded as an "advanced consultation phase", with actual talks likely to start in November or December.<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7066792.stm</ref>
November 2007
On 2007-11-15, nine rebel groups — six SLM factions, the Democratic Popular Front, the Sudanese Revolutionary Front and the Justice and Equality Movement–Field Revolutionary Command — signed a Charter of Unification and agreed to operate under the name of SLM/A henceforth.<ref>http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article24751</ref> On 2007-11-30 it was announced that Darfur's rebel movements had united into two large groups and were now ready to negotiate in an orderly structure with the government.<ref>http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article24965</ref>
International response
International attention to the Darfur conflict largely began with reports by the advocacy organizations Amnesty International in July 2003 and the International Crisis Group in December 2003. However, widespread media coverage did not start until the outgoing United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan, Mukesh Kapila, called Darfur the "world's greatest humanitarian crisis" in March 2004.<ref>Prunier, pp. 124-148</ref> A movement advocating for humanitarian intervention has emerged in several countries since then.
Gérard Prunier, a scholar specializing in African conflicts, argues that the world's most powerful countries have largely limited their response to expressions of concern and demands that the United Nations take action. The UN, lacking both the funding and military support of the wealthy countries, has left the African Union to deploy a token force (AMIS) without a mandate to protect civilians. In the lack of foreign political will to address the political and economic structures that underlie the conflict, the international community has defined the Darfur conflict in humanitarian assistance terms and debated the "genocide" label.<ref>Prunier, pp. 124-148</ref>
Genocide claims
On September 18, 2004, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1564, which called for a Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to assess the Sudanese conflict. The UN report released on January 31, 2005 stated that while there were mass murders and rapes, they could not label it as genocide because "genocidal intent appears to be missing".<ref>Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to the United Nations Secretary-General, 18 September 2004</ref><ref>Sudan's mass killings not genocide: UN report, CBC News, 1 February 2005</ref>
To address the dire human rights and humanitarian emergency in Darfur, the United Nations has taken several steps, but all of these have been frustrated by the Government of the Sudan with the support of a number of other Governments including Egypt and Algeria.
In January 2005, the UN Secretary-General's Commission of Inquiry on Darfur issued a well documented report that indicated that there was by then already some 1.6 million internally displaced persons as a result of the ongoing violence, more than 200,000 refugees from Darfur into neighbouring Chad, and that Government forces and allied militia had committed widespread and consistent war crimes and crimes against humanity including murder, torture, mass rape, summary executions and arbitrary detention. The Commission found that technically there was not a genocide in the legal sense of the term but that massive violations of human rights and humanitarian law were continuing. The Commission also found that the Janjaweed militia operated alongside or with ground or air logistical support from the Government's armed forces. In March 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court, and the Court has since issued arrest warrants for two high ranking individuals in the Government's aparatus.
In early 2007, a High Level Mission on the situation of human rights in Darfur was set up to look into reports of ongoing violations and to try to work with the Government of the Sudan to put a stop to the atrocities. The Mission was led by Nobel Prize Winner Jody Williams and included a number of diplomats and human rights practitioners. The Mission travelled to Ethiopia and Chad but it was never admitted into Sudanese territory itself because the Government refused to issue visas to the Mission. As a result, the High Level Mission could only collect information and in its report of March 2007, it underlined the Government's responsibility to protect civilians in Darfur, noting with regret the Government's abject failure to fulfill this responsibility.
Around the same time, the United Nations Human Rights Council appointed seven UN human rights special rapporteurs to form a group of experts on Darfur. This group was composed of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for children and armed conflict, the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights defenders, the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons and the Special Rapporteur on the question of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The Coordinator of the group of experts was Lyal Sunga. In June 2007, the group of experts issued a report that compiled pre-existing recommendations that had been already issued by UN human rights bodies in order to get the Government to implement them. On 11 December 2007, the group of experts issued its final 106-page report to the Human Rights Council which details the status of the Government's implementation of the recommendations the group had brought together and which concluded that the Government's implementation of human rights recommendations has been largely inadequate. <ref> [2]</ref><ref> [3]</ref><ref> [4]</ref>
In 2005, Rep. Henry Hyde (R-IL) and Sen. Sam Brownback (R-KS) introduced the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act, which calls on the United States to take a more active role in stopping the alleged genocide, encourages NATO participation, and endorses a Chapter VII mandate for a UN mission in Darfur. The bill was passed by the House and Senate and as of August 2006 is in conference committee. In August 2006, the Genocide Intervention Network released a Darfur scorecard, rating each member of Congress on legislation relating to the conflict.<ref>"Darfur scorecard"</ref>
Criticism of international response
On October 16, 2006, Minority Rights Group (MRG) published a critical report, challenging that the UN and the great powers could have prevented the deepening crisis in Darfur and that few lessons appear to have been drawn from their ineptitude during the Rwandan Genocide. MRG's executive director, Mark Lattimer, stated that: "this level of crisis, the killings, rape and displacement could have been foreseen and avoided ... Darfur would just not be in this situation had the UN systems got its act together after Rwanda: their action was too little too late."<ref>"UN could have averted Darfur crisis - MRG", Independent Online, October 16, 2006</ref> On October 20, 120 genocide survivors of the Holocaust, the Cambodian and Rwandan Genocides, backed by six aid agencies, submitted an open letter to the European Union, calling on them to do more to end the atrocities in Darfur, with a UN peacekeeping force as "the only viable option." Aegis Trust director, James Smith, stated that while "the African Union has worked very well in Darfur and done what it could, the rest of the world hasn't supported those efforts the way it should have done with sufficient funds and sufficient equipment."<ref>"Darfur call by genocide survivors", BBC, October 20, 2006</ref>
Human rights advocates and opponents of the Sudanese government portray China's role in providing weapons and aircraft as a cynical attempt to obtain oil and gas just as colonial powers once supplied African chieftains with the military means to maintain control as they extracted natural resources.<ref name=>"
CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN SUDAN: ARMS AND OIL " , Human Rights Watch , 2007-12-23 . </ref><ref name=wash-investchina>" China Invests Heavily In Sudan's Oil Industry " , Washington Post , 2007-12-23 . </ref><ref name=>" Artists abetting genocide? " , Boston Globe , 2007-04-16 . </ref> Political China has offered Sudan support threatening to use its veto on the U.N. Security Council to protect Khartoum from sanctions and has been able to water down every resolution on Darfur in order to protect its interests in Sudan.<ref name=>" The Increasing Importance of African Oil " , Power and Interest News Report , 2007-03-20 . </ref> There has been further evidence of the Sudanese government's murder of civilians to actually facilitate the extraction of oil. The U.S.-funded Civilian Protection Monitoring Team, which investigates attacks in southern Sudan concluded that "as the Government of Sudan sought to clear the way for oil exploration and to create a cordon sanitaire around the oil fields, vast tracts of the Western Upper Nile Region in southern Sudan became the focus of extensive military operations."<ref name=>" Final Report: REPORT OF INVESTIGATION: VIOLENCE AGAINST CIVILIANS ALONG THE BENTIU-LEER-ADOK ROAD. " , Civilian Protection Monitoring Team , 2003-08-19 . </ref> Sarah Wykes, a senior campaigner at Global Witness, an NGO that campaigns for better natural resource governance, says: "Sudan has purchased about $100m in arms from China and has used these weapons against civilians in Darfur."<ref name=wash-investchina>" China Invests Heavily In Sudan's Oil Industry " , Washington Post , 2007-12-23 . </ref> There are additional concerns that Chinese oil companies are devastating the environment further inhibiting the local population's ability to survive. To be fair, the scale of Chinese oil companies operating in Africa pales in comparison to that of the Western companies, who are also guilty of devastating Africa's environment. This includes the clearing of forests for timber exports that increases vulnerability to erosion, river silting, landslides, flooding and loss of habitat for plant and animal species.<ref name=>" Scramble for Africa " , The Guardian , 2007-05-02 . </ref>
Calls for sustained pressure and possible boycotts of the Olympics have come from French presidential candidate François Bayrou,<ref>Call for Olympic boycott stirs up pre-poll France, Reuters. Retrieved on 2007-03-22.</ref> actor and UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador Mia Farrow, Genocide Intervention Network Representative Ronan Farrow,<ref>The 'Genocide Olympics', The Wall Street Journal, 2007-03-28. Retrieved on 2007-03-28.</ref> author and Sudan scholar Eric Reeves<ref>On Darfur, China and the 2008 Olympic Games, Sudan Tribune, 2007-02-11. Retrieved on 2007-03-28.</ref> and The Washington Post editorial board.<ref>China and Darfur: The Genocide Olympics?, The Washington Post, 2006-12-14. Retrieved on 2007-03-28.</ref> Sudan divestment efforts have also concentrated on PetroChina, the national petroleum company with extensive investments in Sudan.<ref>Response to Berkshire Hathaway's statement on its holdings in PetroChina Company Limited, Sudan Divestment Task Force, 2007-02-23. Retrieved on 2007-03-28.</ref>
On the opposite side of the issue, publicity given to the Darfur conflict has been criticized in some segments of the Arab media as exaggerated. Statements to this effect take the view that "the (Israeli) lobby prevents any in-depth discussion and diverts the attention from the crimes committed every day in Palestine and Iraq."<ref>"Since The Victims Are Arabs and Muslims" by Jihad Al-Khazen, Al-Hayat (English edition), April 13, 2007.</ref> and that Western attention to the Darfur crisis is "a cover for what is really being planned and carried out by the Western forces of hegemony and control in our Arab world."<ref>editorial in the newspaper Al-Gomhouriya (Egypt), April 20, 2007</ref> While "in New York, ... there are thousands of posters screaming 'genocide' and '400,000 people dead," in reality only "200,000 have been killed." Furthermore, "what has been done" in Darfur is "not genocide," simply "war crimes."<ref>editorial in the newspaper Al-Gomhouriya (Egypt), April 20, 2007</ref> Another complaint made is that "there is no ethnic cleansing being perpetrated" in Darfur, only "great instability" and "clashes between the Sudanese government, rebel movements and the Janjaweed."<ref>Sudanese journalist Babker 'Issa, editor of the daily newspaper Al-Raya, Al-Raya (Qatar), April 20, 2007.</ref>
Counting deaths
Accurate numbers of dead have been difficult to estimate, partly because the Sudanese government places formidable obstacles in front of journalists attempting to cover the conflict.<ref name="Sudan Annual Report 2004">Sudan Annual Report 2004 Reporters Without Borders, 2004</ref> In September 2004, the World Health Organization estimated there had been 50,000 deaths in Darfur since the beginning of the conflict, an 18-month period, mostly due to starvation. An updated estimate the following month put the number of deaths for the 6-month period from March to October 2004 due to starvation and disease at 70,000; These figures were criticized, because they only considered short periods and did not include violent deaths.<ref name="How many have died">How many have died in Darfur? By Russell Smith (BBC) 16 February, 2005</ref> A more recent British Parliamentary Report has estimated that over 300,000 people have died,<ref name="death toll may be 300,000">Darfur death toll may be 300,000, say UK lawmakers (Reuters), 30 March, 2005</ref> and others have estimated even more.
In March 2005, the UN's Emergency Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland estimated that 10,000 were dying each month excluding deaths due to ethnic violence.<ref name="death estimate soars">UN's Darfur death estimate soars (BBC) 14 March, 2005</ref> An estimated 2 million people had at that time been displaced from their homes, mostly seeking refuge in camps in Darfur's major towns. Two hundred thousand had fled to neighboring Chad.
In an April 2005 report, the most comprehensive statistical analysis to date, the Coalition for International Justice estimated that 400,000 people in Darfur had died since the conflict began, a figure most humanitarian and human rights groups now use.<ref name="New analysis claims Darfur deaths near 400,000">New analysis claims Darfur deaths near 400,000 Coalition for International Justice, 21 April 2005 (PDF)</ref>
On 28 April, 2006, Dr. Eric Reeves argued that "extant data, in aggregate, strongly suggest that total excess mortality in Darfur, over the course of more than three years of deadly conflict, now significantly exceeds 450,000," but this has not been independently verified.<ref name="Quantifying Genocide in Darfur">Quantifying Genocide in Darfur Dr. Eric Reeves, 28 April 2006</ref>
A 21 September, 2006 article by the official UN News Service stated that "UN officials estimate over 400,000 people have lost their lives and some 2 million more have been driven from their homes."<ref>"Annan welcomes extension f African Union mission in Darfur," UN News Service, 21 September 2006</ref> This now appears to be the official UN figure.
Spreading of violence
Violence in Darfur spread over the border to Chad and the Central African Republic. In Chad, notably, the Janjaweed were accused of incursions and attacks. They were also accused of killing over 500,000.
In popular culture
The conflict has been referenced to in a variety of aspects of popular culture. Several television shows include story lines involving the conflict in episodes of ER, 7th Heaven, and an episode of The West Wing. Documentaries such as The Devil Came on Horseback and Darfur Now have been used to illustrate the crisis. Songs have included lyrics about the conflict, including "Sudan" by State Radio, "Living Darfur" by Mattafix, and "Al Genina (Leave The Light On)" by Our Lady Peace which was influenced by lead singer Raine Maida's visit to Darfur. The comic book Squadron Supreme: Hyperion vs. Nighthawk, published by Marvel Comics, takes place in the region and highlights the conflict. Actors Don Cheadle, Mia Farrow and George Clooney have used their celebrity status to help bring world attention to the conflict.<ref>Don Cheadle: See interview with Hollywood.com promoting his film Darfur Now. Mia Farrow: See "You Too Can Divest from Sudan," Los Angeles Times, 5 February 2007, and more generally her website devoted to activism around conflicts in Darfur and eastern Chad. George Clooney: See "The Shocking Story George Clooney Has to Tell," Oprah, 26 April 2006.</ref>
See also
- "Khartoum bashing": an article in the TLS by Justin Willis, November 7 2007
- History of Darfur, for a broader view of the events that have caused the current conflict
- Bibliography of the Darfur conflict, for all external links to news coverage, advocacy initiatives and research on the conflict
- International response to the Darfur conflict, for the response of individuals, organizations and governments to the conflict since 2003
- Chad-Sudan conflict
- African Union Mission in Sudan
- United Nations Security Council Resolution 1706
- War in Chad (2005–present)
- Slavery in Sudan
- Ethnic cleansing
- List of civil wars
- List of famines
- List of wars by death toll
- Genocides in history
- Command responsibility
- List of wars 2003-current
References
Modèle:Chadian-Sudanese conflict Modèle:Racism topicsModèle:Link FA Modèle:Link FA
ar:نزاع دار فور
br:Brezel an Darfour
cs:Konflikt v Dárfúru
da:Darfur-konflikten
de:Darfur-Konflikt
es:Conflicto de Darfur
fa:نزاع دارفور
fr:Guerre civile au Darfour
gl:Conflito de Darfur
ko:다르푸르 분쟁
id:Konflik Darfur
it:Conflitto del Darfur
he:רצח העם בדארפור
lt:Darfūro krizė
hu:Dárfúri konfliktus
ms:Konflik Darfur
nl:Conflict in Darfoer
ja:ダルフール紛争
no:Darfur-konflikten
pms:Guèra sivil dël Darfor
pl:Konflikt w Darfurze
pt:Conflito de Darfur
simple:Darfur conflict
fi:Darfurin konflikti
sv:Darfurkonflikten
zh:達爾富爾衝突
